Theses on the Postmodern Left

I am experimenting with a line of thought that goes like this. I believe justice requires all human beings be treated justly regardless of race, religion, sex, caste, or any other ascriptive factors. As a Christian, I believe it is my duty to love other human beings in the sense of willing their good and doing what is required of me to promote that good so far I can understand it – whether I happen to Iike them or admire them or not. I think it good that truth be told about the history of oppression: in America, the history of slavery, of ethnic cleansing, of violence against women, etc. That no human being is a “noble savage” matters not in the least here. I am not a saint, but that does not give another the right to keep me down with a boot on my throat.

    Yet I am troubled by the kind of "postmodern" identity politics that almost sees the meaning of life in the "freedom" to define your gender or "identity" such that the "marginalized" groups are privileged and the "other" (white men mostly) are suspect unless they wallow in guilt for the past sins of their kind. Two things trouble me above all. 1) the making a totalitarian-seeming ideology of this "Wokeness" (philosophical roots in Foucault, Derrida, and their followers) such that everything is the past is bad and every artwork - e.g. movies about fairy tales - has to be rewritten to make it compatible with the ideology. This seems exactly like what the former socialist states did with their ideology, or the Nazis, or even the Medieval Church at its worst (which was often). 2) I suspect this love of identity and victimhood has its roots in a narcissism that, as Christopher Lasch argued, has its roots in what social changes capitalism has wrought. I could do the same thing with MAGA, essentially the same phenomenon from another perspective. So here are some theses. Just theses.

 

Thesis 1: Postmodern Identity Politics Evolves into a Totalitarian Ideology of Narrative Purity

The reconfigured narratives championed by the postmodern left impose a singular, morally pristine account of history and culture, where deviation is rendered suspect

Imagine a regime where every public speech, every artwork, must pass an ideological litmus test—a strict code that forbids nuance. In contemporary “discourse” of the postmodern left, cultural treasures such as classic fairy tales are frequently rewritten, not merely updated, to excise any hint of historical ambiguity. For instance, modern adaptations of stories like Snow White recast traditional roles into binary archetypes of oppressor and oppressed. This is analogous to a totalitarian system that distorts history to enforce a doctrinaire vision, leaving no space for the complexities that once enriched the narrative tapestry of human experience. Reminds me of how the GDR recast everything through the filter of Marxism-Leninism or the Nazis everything through the filter of their racial ideology. (Actually, the GDR did allow some truthful art in the 80's.)

     Just look at the modern adaptation of Snow White that casts the heroine as a fierce, independent Latina. In this version, not only are traditional gender roles upended, but the narrative is also reshaped into a clear battle between an oppressive past and a liberatory future. The film presents a rigid moral dichotomy where the heroine’s success is measured solely by her ability to reject old paradigms, much like a state enforcing a single, approved narrative and suppressing any deviation from its moral code.

 

Thesis 2: The Narcissistic Cultivation of Victimhood Is a Direct Response to Capitalist Alienation

Capitalist societies, with their emphasis on individualism and consumer identity, foster a narcissistic impulse that manifests for some in the exaltation of personal and group victimhood (in others like the MAGA movement in nativist fantasies – two sides of the same coin).

   Envision a hall of mirrors where every individual’s reflection is amplified into an image of personal grievance. Under the pressures of a capitalist system that often leaves individuals feeling isolated and commodified, and where the market as become the dominant form of social consciousness (the master metaphor),  identity politics transforms victimhood into a badge of honor—a sort of moral capital. Like a collector hoarding rare stamps, people accumulate narratives of suffering as a means of validating their self-worth. This transformation of personal hardship into an emblem of ideological superiority echoes the transformation of raw, multifaceted human experience into a series of marketable identities, each vying for recognition in the ideological marketplace.

   Take, for example, a social media campaign that focuses on historical and personal injustices suffered by marginalized groups. Participants share carefully curated images and stories designed to evoke empathy and signal moral superiority. In such campaigns, the focus shifts from addressing systemic issues to showcasing individual suffering, turning personal pain into a competitive form of social capital. This mirrors the narcissistic impulse where the expression of victimhood becomes a way to command attention and validation in a market-driven cultural landscape. The people – perhaps truly the ancestors of the oppressed and indeed perhaps suffering real injustice in the present – began to see themselves as Rousseau’s “noble savages.” Caricaturing their humanity and the real injustice involved. Making compassion from the groups they “other” difficult or impossible.

 

Thesis 3: The Quest for Universal Justice Is Undermined by Divisive Identity Narratives

A shift from universal principles of justice to segmented, identity-specific claims fractures the common moral ground necessary for collective progress.

  Imagine society as a grand mosaic, where each unique tile contributes to a coherent, shared picture. The insistence on framing reality solely in terms of discrete identities—such as oppressor versus oppressed—risks shattering that mosaic into isolated fragments. When debates become about which group has suffered more or which narrative is more “authentic,” the possibility of uniting around a common human dignity is trashed. It is as if, in the quest for recognition, the very ground of shared experience is taken away, leaving behind only competing claims rather than a true vision of justice.

 

Thesis 4: The Politics of Memory Transforms History into a Didactic Tool

Historical narratives are increasingly recast as moral lessons designed to justify contemporary political agendas, rather than as objective accounts of complex events. Like a fairy tale in the real world. This does injustice to the victims of injustice as well as the oppressors.

    Consider history as a rich, layered tapestry, woven from countless threads of human experience. Under the influence of identity politics, this tapestry is often re-edited into a textbook of moral parables—each story streamlined to serve as evidence of systemic injustice. This process is similar to rewriting a classic novel, where extraneous details are removed to highlight a single, moralistic storyline. By doing so, the inherent complexity of historical events is lost, replaced by a neat, didactic account that supports a predetermined ideological narrative rather than fostering critical engagement with the past.

  A case of this ideological repurposing of history can be seen in the way the American and European colonial pasts are now often presented in educational materials. While past histories glossed over the horrors of imperialism, some contemporary revisions reduce these complex histories into a simple moral tale of absolute villains and innocent victims (noble savages). For instance, school curricula may emphasize only the brutality of European colonialism while neglecting historical instances of how local elites facilitating colonialism, or of indigenous warfare, internal slavery, or even cross-cultural exchanges and resistance movements. The fact that there are probably no noble savages doesn’t justify imperialism at all. The point is the sentimentalized version of history distorts truth to feed current identity politics. This selective approach resembles the way Soviet historiography systematically rewrote past events to fit the ideological needs of the present—erasing figures who no longer fit the Party’s narrative or retroactively assigning heroic roles to certain classes. The result is that history ceases to be a dynamic field of inquiry and instead becomes a set of moral lessons designed to reinforce contemporary ideological positions. Rather than helping students engage with history critically, this approach fosters an emotional response that encourages identification with a predetermined moral script.

 

Thesis 5: The Idealization of Suffering Turns Personal and Collective Pain into Symbolic Currency

In the realm of identity politics, suffering is not only experienced but is also elevated to a symbol of moral superiority, functioning as a form of currency in the ideological economy.

    Picture suffering as a rare coin – one that is collected, exchanged, and even flaunted as evidence of one’s rightful place within a moral hierarchy. In this framework, personal and communal hardships are transformed into badges of honor, each tear and each narrative of pain serving as a token of authenticity. This commodification of suffering mirrors a financial market where emotional capital is the prize, encouraging individuals to measure their worth by the depth of their misfortune rather than by their capacity for transformation. Consequently, the celebration of victimhood can sometimes distract from the tangible work needed to overcome adversity, reducing the struggle for justice to a series of emotionally charged transactions.

    Just think about political rallies or online movements where personal testimonials of pain are shared and celebrated as proof of one’s commitment to a cause. For instance, during discussions on social justice, individuals might present their personal histories of discrimination or trauma, which then become the primary measure of their legitimacy within the movement. This practice turns personal suffering into a commodity that not only validates one’s identity but also serves as an emotional bargaining chip in debates, sometimes overshadowing the need for concrete, systemic change.

 

Thesis 6: Sentimentality Is the Lens Through Which Reality Is Reimagined

The Foucaultian left transforms raw social experience by filtering it through a sentimental lens, turning affect into an instrument of ideological truth.

    Just as a stained-glass window refracts sunlight into a spectrum of colors, so too does sentimentality refract the complexities of life into neatly defined hues of victimhood and triumph. For example, when classic narratives are reworked—consider a version of Snow White where the heroine is a self-reliant Latina—what might have been a simple fairy tale is transformed into a tableau of personal empowerment and cultural redemption. The affective glow of such reinterpretations invites audiences to see not merely a story but a mirror reflecting their own fantasies of justice and recognition.

   A kind of public daydreaming, as Freud perspicuously analyzed in his “Der Dichter und das Phantasieren” (Artists and Fantasizing). Freud’s explores how artistic creation originates in fantasy, linking it to the wish-fulfillment mechanisms of childhood play and neurotic symptoms. He argues that the writer transforms private fantasies – often driven by repressed desires – into socially acceptable narratives, allowing the audience to indulge in similar daydreams under the guise of high art. In the case of sentimentality, we see a psychological process akin to what Freud describes: instead of engaging with reality in its full complexity, sentimental narratives construct an idealized world where emotions are exaggerated, conflicts are simplified, and suffering is moralized in a way that flatters the ego. This operates as a defense mechanism, shielding individuals from unpleasant truths while indulging their narcissistic need for self-affirmation. Just as Freud describes the neurotic’s retreat into fantasy as an escape from the frustrations of reality, sentimentality fosters a collective illusion—one in which historical guilt can be alleviated through symbolic representation, identity can be reinvented without friction, and moral righteousness is effortlessly obtained through emotional identification with the “right” kind of victim. In this way, sentimentality does not simply falsify reality; it reshapes it according to the narcissistic demands of those who consume it, much like Freud’s daydreamer reshapes the world of fantasy to compensate for unsatisfied desires.

 

Thesis 7: Sentimentality Falsifies Reality by Reducing Nuance to Binary Oppositions

By privileging emotional expression over analytical complexity, sentimental rhetoric oversimplifies social reality into categories of oppressor and oppressed.

     Imagine a black-and-white sketch that, while evocative, loses the depth of a full-color portrait. Similarly, the sentimental approach, with its focus on dramatic emotional arcs, turns multifaceted human experiences into stark binaries. This is evident when historical narratives are rewritten: the once-ambiguous shades of social dynamics are rendered as clear-cut tales of injustice and redemption. In doing so, the subtle interplay of social forces—much like the gradients in a masterful painting—is flattened into a simplistic, if moving, allegory.

 

Thesis 8: Narcissistic Self-Projection Is Integral to Sentimental Identity Politics

The sentimental mode of self-expression encourages individuals and groups to project an idealized, often self-adulatory image onto themselves, seeking affirmation through emotional validation.

     As Narcissus gazed into the reflective surface of a still pond, modern subjects are invited to see in the heroic figures of reimagined narratives a reflection of their own desired virtues. In the re-envisioned Snow White, the heroine’s journey is not just a tale of liberation but also an invitation for audiences to imbue their self-conception with a similar moral grandeur. The intense focus on personal empowerment and victimhood can become a form of narcissistic mirroring, where the celebration of one’s own resilience is both the means and the end of political expression.

 

Thesis 9: Historical Narratives Are Rewritten to Fit the Aesthetic of Sentimentality

Under the influence of sentimental rhetoric, history is not recounted but rather reinterpreted as a continuous narrative of moral struggle and eventual redemption.

     Think of a historical record as a complex tapestry woven from countless threads of experience. The sentimental approach, however, tends to isolate and amplify select threads, reweaving the tapestry into a singular narrative of oppression overcome by heroic defiance. The process is akin to editing a classic novel: entire chapters may be recast to highlight certain moral lessons while omitting the messy, unheroic details. In doing so, the past is not engaged with in its full complexity but is instead reshaped into a story that fits the aesthetic of contemporary ideological needs.

 

Thesis 10: Affect Functions as Currency in the Political Economy of Identity

In a sentimental framework, emotions are commodified—exchanged as markers of ideological worth and as proof of one’s moral standing.

     Just as money circulates in an economy, feelings circulate in the realm of identity politics as capital that can be spent, invested, or hoarded. An emotive outcry over injustice, or a cathartic display of resilience, is treated not merely as an expression but as a currency that validates one’s position within a moral community. For example, a film that underscores the emotional pain of historical marginalization invites viewers to “spend” their empathy in support of the cause, thereby transforming personal affect into a political resource. This transactional view of emotion reinforces the notion that our inner lives are the ultimate measure of ideological commitment.

 

Thesis 11: Sentimental Idealism Ultimately Obscures the Real Work of Political Tra nsformation

While offering immediate emotional gratification, the sentimental mode risks reducing social and political struggle to an aesthetic experience, bypassing the hard work of systemic change.

     Imagine a beautiful mural that captivates and inspires but does little to repair the crumbling wall it adorns. In much the same way, sentimental narratives – rich in emotional appeal of a counterfeit nature – can seduce us into believing that moral progress has been achieved without engaging in the rigorous, often painful work of restructuring society. Focussing on effect, while moving, may lull us into complacency; celebrating symbolic victories may overshadow the concrete steps needed to address persistent structural inequalities. Thus, sentimentality, by turning political engagement into a series of emotionally charged images, may detract from the sustained effort required to bring about real change.

 

Thesis 12: What is called “WOKE” (I dislike this term for it originally had a different meaning, one I approve of) – the reverse mirror of MAGA – is another example of how capitalism assimilates potentially revolutionary movements and domesticates them. (cf. Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, a book I recall from my student days.)

 

a)    Capitalism as an Adaptive System. Rather than simply repressing opposition, capitalism co-opts and commodifies it. Radical ideas—whether political, social, or cultural—are stripped of their revolutionary edge and repackaged in a way that makes them palatable, even profitable. This allows capitalism to appear progressive and dynamic, while in reality, it neutralizes the transformative potential of the critique. 1960s Counterculture, for example, with its anti-materialist ethos, sexual liberation, and critique of consumerism, was absorbed into the very system it opposed. Free love became a marketing tool for selling everything from fashion to entertainment, while the rejection of materialism was repackaged as a personal lifestyle choice rather than a structural critique of capitalism. Today, wellness industries, mindfulness apps, and bohemian-chic brands allow consumers to "opt out" of the rat race—by purchasing a different set of products. The system does not eliminate critique; it turns it into a market niche.

 

b)   The Case of Identity Politics and ‘Woke Capitalism.’ The contemporary emphasis on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) has followed a similar trajectory. What may have begun as a serious critique of systemic injustice has been integrated into corporate branding, advertising, and HR policies. Major corporations now champion progressive causes—not necessarily because they are committed to real structural change, but because aligning with these movements enhances brand loyalty and market share. The irony is that the same multinational corporations that benefit from exploitative labor practices can rebrand themselves as champions of social justice simply by featuring diverse actors in their commercials or making symbolic political statements.

 

c)    The Mechanism: Depoliticization Through Sentimentality. Capitalism’s absorption of critique works by replacing structural analysis with sentimentality. Instead of addressing economic inequality, systemic injustice, or the conditions that create marginalization, the discourse is shifted toward personal feelings, representation, and symbolic victories. Consumers are offered the chance to feel virtuous through ethical consumption—buying the right brands, watching the right films, or using the right pronouns—while the underlying economic structures remain untouched.

 

d)    Feminism as a Brand. Originally, feminism aimed at dismantling patriarchal structures in both the workplace and the home. As long as this does not imply women becoming as bad as patriarchally-minded men – a woman CEO of a hedge fund is just as much in the service of a oppressive regime as a man CEO – I support any attempt to resist keeping women or anybody else down. Today, however, feminism is often presented as a matter of self-empowerment through consumption. "Girlboss" culture turns structural critiques of labor exploitation into slogans for individual success. A cosmetics company might claim to be feminist because it features diverse models or promotes body positivity while still profiting from underpaid labor in developing countries. The radical critique of economic injustice is thus transformed into an empowering "choice" within the existing system.

 

Thesis 13: The Root Problem is Capitalism

  The power of the modern corporation over practically every society on the face of the earth to control human consciousness, exploit the peoples of the earth and the earth itself on a global scale, and dissolve community bonds among people (and among communities and nature) is what must be ended. Its power over the state to write its own rules, over working people, over local communities, over nature, over consciousness (not only through its control of media but work and leisure and thus family life as well) – this power must be taken away. Peacefully I hope. I don’t want a terror like in the French Revolution. I don’t want to kill anyone much less liquidate a whole class. I just want their boots off our throats - our meaning most of the people of the earth. We may very well need a market, but the market cannot be allowed to take over the whole city as it has (Sandel). But anything that detracts from the problem of corporate capitalism is ideology.

   My own economic philosophy is eclectic:  I share most of the views Wendell Berry and E. F. Schumacher; I am sympathetic to the “alternative technology” movement of the 1970’s. I think the Catholic social teaching, interpreted honestly and courageously, would also move in that direction. Some aspects of Fabian socialism I agree with. Some free market is needed – with the proviso that it serves local communities and not destroy them. Whatever works as long as it respects people, and the families that people need, and the communities that families need, and the nature the communities need. Whatever works as long as it honors human dignity and the Creation by doing away with this wicked world-picture of a meaningless, indifferent nature of raw materials and energies to be mined and harnessed for capitalist technology and the individual presumably autonomous in the sense that a consumer is autonomous choosing between commodities (whereby everything is a commodity from work to religion).

    First, some form of democracy must be established that takes away capitalism’s monopoly over communication, in which there was freedom to present the devastating case against it. I think once people are freed from the mental prison they have been born into – Plato’s cave – all the Wokes and Magas and Tea parties and “moderate” liberals would give way to discussions based on reality and not ideology. Nothing will change for the better until we are free of this totalitarian economy.