Theses on the Postmodern Left
I am
experimenting with a line of thought that goes like this. I believe justice
requires all human beings be treated justly regardless of race, religion, sex,
caste, or any other ascriptive factors. As a Christian, I believe it is my duty
to love other human beings in the sense of willing their good and doing what
is required of me to promote that good so far I can understand it – whether
I happen to Iike them or admire them or not. I think it good that truth be told
about the history of oppression: in America, the history of slavery, of ethnic
cleansing, of violence against women, etc. That no human being is a “noble
savage” matters not in the least here. I am not a saint, but that does not give
another the right to keep me down with a boot on my throat.
Yet I am troubled by the kind of
"postmodern" identity politics that almost sees the meaning of life
in the "freedom" to define your gender or "identity" such
that the "marginalized" groups are privileged and the "other"
(white men mostly) are suspect unless they wallow in guilt for the past sins of
their kind. Two things trouble me above all. 1) the making a
totalitarian-seeming ideology of this "Wokeness" (philosophical roots
in Foucault, Derrida, and their followers) such that everything is the past is
bad and every artwork - e.g. movies about fairy tales - has to be rewritten to
make it compatible with the ideology. This seems exactly like what the former
socialist states did with their ideology, or the Nazis, or even the Medieval
Church at its worst (which was often). 2) I suspect this love of identity and
victimhood has its roots in a narcissism that, as Christopher Lasch argued, has
its roots in what social changes capitalism has wrought. I could do the same thing with MAGA, essentially the same phenomenon from another perspective. So here are some
theses. Just theses.
Thesis 1: Postmodern Identity Politics Evolves into a Totalitarian
Ideology of Narrative Purity
The reconfigured narratives championed by the postmodern left impose a
singular, morally pristine account of history and culture, where deviation is
rendered suspect
Imagine a regime where every public speech, every artwork, must pass an
ideological litmus test—a strict code that forbids nuance. In contemporary “discourse”
of the postmodern left, cultural treasures such as classic fairy tales are
frequently rewritten, not merely updated, to excise any hint of historical
ambiguity. For instance, modern adaptations of stories like Snow White recast
traditional roles into binary archetypes of oppressor and oppressed. This is
analogous to a totalitarian system that distorts history to enforce a
doctrinaire vision, leaving no space for the complexities that once enriched
the narrative tapestry of human experience. Reminds me of how the GDR recast
everything through the filter of Marxism-Leninism or the Nazis everything
through the filter of their racial ideology. (Actually, the GDR did allow some truthful art in the 80's.)
Just look at the modern adaptation of Snow
White that casts the heroine as a fierce, independent Latina. In this
version, not only are traditional gender roles upended, but the narrative is
also reshaped into a clear battle between an oppressive past and a liberatory
future. The film presents a rigid moral dichotomy where the heroine’s success
is measured solely by her ability to reject old paradigms, much like a state
enforcing a single, approved narrative and suppressing any deviation from its
moral code.
Thesis 2: The Narcissistic Cultivation of Victimhood Is a Direct
Response to Capitalist Alienation
Capitalist societies, with their emphasis on individualism and consumer
identity, foster a narcissistic impulse that manifests for some in the
exaltation of personal and group victimhood (in others like the MAGA movement
in nativist fantasies – two sides of the same coin).
Envision a hall of mirrors
where every individual’s reflection is amplified into an image of personal
grievance. Under the pressures of a capitalist system that often leaves
individuals feeling isolated and commodified, and where the market as become the
dominant form of social consciousness (the master metaphor), identity politics transforms victimhood into a
badge of honor—a sort of moral capital. Like a collector hoarding rare stamps,
people accumulate narratives of suffering as a means of validating their
self-worth. This transformation of personal hardship into an emblem of
ideological superiority echoes the transformation of raw, multifaceted human
experience into a series of marketable identities, each vying for recognition
in the ideological marketplace.
Take,
for example, a social media campaign that focuses on historical and personal
injustices suffered by marginalized groups. Participants share carefully
curated images and stories designed to evoke empathy and signal moral
superiority. In such campaigns, the focus shifts from addressing systemic
issues to showcasing individual suffering, turning personal pain into a
competitive form of social capital. This mirrors the narcissistic impulse where
the expression of victimhood becomes a way to command attention and validation
in a market-driven cultural landscape. The people – perhaps truly the ancestors
of the oppressed and indeed perhaps suffering real injustice in the present –
began to see themselves as Rousseau’s “noble savages.” Caricaturing their humanity
and the real injustice involved. Making compassion from the groups they “other”
difficult or impossible.
Thesis 3: The Quest for Universal Justice Is Undermined by Divisive
Identity Narratives
A shift from universal principles of justice to segmented,
identity-specific claims fractures the common moral ground necessary for
collective progress.
Imagine society as a grand
mosaic, where each unique tile contributes to a coherent, shared picture. The
insistence on framing reality solely in terms of discrete identities—such as
oppressor versus oppressed—risks shattering that mosaic into isolated fragments.
When debates become about which group has suffered more or which narrative is
more “authentic,” the possibility of uniting around a common human dignity is
trashed. It is as if, in the quest for recognition, the very ground of shared
experience is taken away, leaving behind only competing claims rather than a true
vision of justice.
Thesis 4: The Politics of Memory Transforms History into a Didactic Tool
Historical narratives are increasingly recast as moral lessons designed
to justify contemporary political agendas, rather than as objective accounts of
complex events. Like a fairy tale in the real world. This does injustice to the
victims of injustice as well as the oppressors.
Consider history as a rich,
layered tapestry, woven from countless threads of human experience. Under the
influence of identity politics, this tapestry is often re-edited into a
textbook of moral parables—each story streamlined to serve as evidence of systemic
injustice. This process is similar to rewriting a classic novel, where
extraneous details are removed to highlight a single, moralistic storyline. By
doing so, the inherent complexity of historical events is lost, replaced by a
neat, didactic account that supports a predetermined ideological narrative
rather than fostering critical engagement with the past.
A case of this ideological
repurposing of history can be seen in the way the American and European
colonial pasts are now often presented in educational materials. While past
histories glossed over the horrors of imperialism, some contemporary revisions
reduce these complex histories into a simple moral tale of absolute villains
and innocent victims (noble savages). For instance, school curricula may
emphasize only the brutality of European colonialism while neglecting
historical instances of how local elites facilitating colonialism, or of indigenous
warfare, internal slavery, or even cross-cultural exchanges and resistance
movements. The fact that there are probably no noble savages doesn’t justify
imperialism at all. The point is the sentimentalized version of history
distorts truth to feed current identity politics. This selective approach
resembles the way Soviet historiography systematically rewrote past events to
fit the ideological needs of the present—erasing figures who no longer fit the
Party’s narrative or retroactively assigning heroic roles to certain classes.
The result is that history ceases to be a dynamic field of inquiry and instead
becomes a set of moral lessons designed to reinforce contemporary ideological
positions. Rather than helping students engage with history critically, this
approach fosters an emotional response that encourages identification with a
predetermined moral script.
Thesis 5: The Idealization of Suffering Turns Personal and Collective
Pain into Symbolic Currency
In the realm of identity politics, suffering is not only experienced but
is also elevated to a symbol of moral superiority, functioning as a form of
currency in the ideological economy.
Picture suffering as a rare
coin – one that is collected, exchanged, and even flaunted as evidence of one’s
rightful place within a moral hierarchy. In this framework, personal and
communal hardships are transformed into badges of honor, each tear and each
narrative of pain serving as a token of authenticity. This commodification of
suffering mirrors a financial market where emotional capital is the prize,
encouraging individuals to measure their worth by the depth of their misfortune
rather than by their capacity for transformation. Consequently, the celebration
of victimhood can sometimes distract from the tangible work needed to overcome
adversity, reducing the struggle for justice to a series of emotionally charged
transactions.
Just think about political
rallies or online movements where personal testimonials of pain are shared and
celebrated as proof of one’s commitment to a cause. For instance, during
discussions on social justice, individuals might present their personal
histories of discrimination or trauma, which then become the primary measure of
their legitimacy within the movement. This practice turns personal suffering
into a commodity that not only validates one’s identity but also serves as an
emotional bargaining chip in debates, sometimes overshadowing the need for
concrete, systemic change.
Thesis 6: Sentimentality Is the Lens Through Which Reality Is Reimagined
The Foucaultian left transforms raw social experience by filtering it
through a sentimental lens, turning affect into an instrument of ideological
truth.
Just as a stained-glass window
refracts sunlight into a spectrum of colors, so too does sentimentality refract
the complexities of life into neatly defined hues of victimhood and triumph.
For example, when classic narratives are reworked—consider a version of Snow
White where the heroine is a self-reliant Latina—what might have been a simple
fairy tale is transformed into a tableau of personal empowerment and cultural
redemption. The affective glow of such reinterpretations invites audiences to
see not merely a story but a mirror reflecting their own fantasies of justice
and recognition.
A kind of public daydreaming,
as Freud perspicuously analyzed in his “Der Dichter und das Phantasieren” (Artists
and Fantasizing). Freud’s explores how artistic
creation originates in fantasy, linking it to the wish-fulfillment mechanisms
of childhood play and neurotic symptoms. He argues that the writer transforms
private fantasies – often driven by repressed desires – into socially
acceptable narratives, allowing the audience to indulge in similar daydreams
under the guise of high art. In the case of sentimentality, we see a
psychological process akin to what Freud describes: instead of engaging with
reality in its full complexity, sentimental narratives construct an idealized
world where emotions are exaggerated, conflicts are simplified, and suffering
is moralized in a way that flatters the ego. This operates as a defense
mechanism, shielding individuals from unpleasant truths while indulging their
narcissistic need for self-affirmation. Just as Freud describes the neurotic’s
retreat into fantasy as an escape from the frustrations of reality,
sentimentality fosters a collective illusion—one in which historical guilt can
be alleviated through symbolic representation, identity can be reinvented
without friction, and moral righteousness is effortlessly obtained through
emotional identification with the “right” kind of victim. In this way,
sentimentality does not simply falsify reality; it reshapes it according to the
narcissistic demands of those who consume it, much like Freud’s daydreamer
reshapes the world of fantasy to compensate for unsatisfied desires.
Thesis 7: Sentimentality Falsifies Reality by Reducing Nuance to Binary
Oppositions
By privileging emotional expression over analytical complexity,
sentimental rhetoric oversimplifies social reality into categories of oppressor
and oppressed.
Imagine a black-and-white
sketch that, while evocative, loses the depth of a full-color portrait.
Similarly, the sentimental approach, with its focus on dramatic emotional arcs,
turns multifaceted human experiences into stark binaries. This is evident when
historical narratives are rewritten: the once-ambiguous shades of social
dynamics are rendered as clear-cut tales of injustice and redemption. In doing
so, the subtle interplay of social forces—much like the gradients in a
masterful painting—is flattened into a simplistic, if moving, allegory.
Thesis 8: Narcissistic Self-Projection Is Integral to Sentimental
Identity Politics
The sentimental mode of self-expression encourages individuals and
groups to project an idealized, often self-adulatory image onto themselves,
seeking affirmation through emotional validation.
As Narcissus gazed into the
reflective surface of a still pond, modern subjects are invited to see in the
heroic figures of reimagined narratives a reflection of their own desired
virtues. In the re-envisioned Snow White, the heroine’s journey is not just a
tale of liberation but also an invitation for audiences to imbue their
self-conception with a similar moral grandeur. The intense focus on personal
empowerment and victimhood can become a form of narcissistic mirroring, where
the celebration of one’s own resilience is both the means and the end of
political expression.
Thesis 9: Historical Narratives Are Rewritten to Fit the Aesthetic of
Sentimentality
Under the influence of sentimental rhetoric, history is not recounted
but rather reinterpreted as a continuous narrative of moral struggle and
eventual redemption.
Think of a historical record
as a complex tapestry woven from countless threads of experience. The
sentimental approach, however, tends to isolate and amplify select threads,
reweaving the tapestry into a singular narrative of oppression overcome by heroic
defiance. The process is akin to editing a classic novel: entire chapters may
be recast to highlight certain moral lessons while omitting the messy, unheroic
details. In doing so, the past is not engaged with in its full complexity but
is instead reshaped into a story that fits the aesthetic of contemporary
ideological needs.
Thesis 10: Affect Functions as Currency in the Political Economy of
Identity
In a sentimental framework, emotions are commodified—exchanged as
markers of ideological worth and as proof of one’s moral standing.
Just as money circulates in
an economy, feelings circulate in the realm of identity politics as capital
that can be spent, invested, or hoarded. An emotive outcry over injustice, or a
cathartic display of resilience, is treated not merely as an expression but as
a currency that validates one’s position within a moral community. For example,
a film that underscores the emotional pain of historical marginalization
invites viewers to “spend” their empathy in support of the cause, thereby
transforming personal affect into a political resource. This transactional view
of emotion reinforces the notion that our inner lives are the ultimate measure
of ideological commitment.
Thesis 11: Sentimental Idealism Ultimately Obscures the Real Work of
Political Tra nsformation
While offering immediate emotional gratification, the sentimental mode
risks reducing social and political struggle to an aesthetic experience,
bypassing the hard work of systemic change.
Imagine a beautiful mural
that captivates and inspires but does little to repair the crumbling wall it
adorns. In much the same way, sentimental narratives – rich in emotional appeal
of a counterfeit nature – can seduce us into believing that moral progress has
been achieved without engaging in the rigorous, often painful work of
restructuring society. Focussing on effect, while moving, may lull us into
complacency; celebrating symbolic victories may overshadow the concrete steps
needed to address persistent structural inequalities. Thus, sentimentality, by
turning political engagement into a series of emotionally charged images, may
detract from the sustained effort required to bring about real change.
Thesis 12: What is called “WOKE” (I dislike this term for it originally
had a different meaning, one I approve of) – the reverse mirror of MAGA – is
another example of how capitalism assimilates potentially revolutionary
movements and domesticates them. (cf. Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, a
book I recall from my student days.)
a)
Capitalism
as an Adaptive System. Rather than simply repressing opposition, capitalism
co-opts and commodifies it. Radical ideas—whether political, social, or
cultural—are stripped of their revolutionary edge and repackaged in a way that
makes them palatable, even profitable. This allows capitalism to appear
progressive and dynamic, while in reality, it neutralizes the transformative
potential of the critique. 1960s Counterculture, for example, with its
anti-materialist ethos, sexual liberation, and critique of consumerism, was
absorbed into the very system it opposed. Free love became a marketing tool for
selling everything from fashion to entertainment, while the rejection of
materialism was repackaged as a personal lifestyle choice rather than a
structural critique of capitalism. Today, wellness industries, mindfulness
apps, and bohemian-chic brands allow consumers to "opt out" of the
rat race—by purchasing a different set of products. The system does not
eliminate critique; it turns it into a market niche.
b)
The Case
of Identity Politics and ‘Woke Capitalism.’ The contemporary emphasis on
diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) has followed a similar trajectory. What
may have begun as a serious critique of systemic injustice has been integrated
into corporate branding, advertising, and HR policies. Major corporations now
champion progressive causes—not necessarily because they are committed to real
structural change, but because aligning with these movements enhances brand
loyalty and market share. The irony is that the same multinational corporations
that benefit from exploitative labor practices can rebrand themselves as
champions of social justice simply by featuring diverse actors in their
commercials or making symbolic political statements.
c)
The
Mechanism: Depoliticization Through Sentimentality. Capitalism’s absorption of
critique works by replacing structural analysis with sentimentality. Instead of
addressing economic inequality, systemic injustice, or the conditions that
create marginalization, the discourse is shifted toward personal feelings,
representation, and symbolic victories. Consumers are offered the chance to
feel virtuous through ethical consumption—buying the right brands, watching the
right films, or using the right pronouns—while the underlying economic
structures remain untouched.
d)
Feminism as a Brand. Originally, feminism
aimed at dismantling patriarchal structures in both the workplace and the home.
As long as this does not imply women becoming as bad as patriarchally-minded
men – a woman CEO of a hedge fund is just as much in the service of a oppressive
regime as a man CEO – I support any attempt to resist keeping women or anybody else down.
Today, however, feminism is often presented as a matter of self-empowerment
through consumption. "Girlboss" culture turns structural critiques of
labor exploitation into slogans for individual success. A cosmetics company
might claim to be feminist because it features diverse models or promotes body
positivity while still profiting from underpaid labor in developing countries.
The radical critique of economic injustice is thus transformed into an
empowering "choice" within the existing system.
Thesis 13: The Root Problem is Capitalism
The power of the modern
corporation over practically every society on the face of the earth to control
human consciousness, exploit the peoples of the earth and the earth itself on a
global scale, and dissolve community bonds among people (and among communities
and nature) is what must be ended. Its power over the state to write its own
rules, over working people, over local communities, over nature, over
consciousness (not only through its control of media but work and leisure and
thus family life as well) – this power must be taken away. Peacefully I hope. I
don’t want a terror like in the French Revolution. I don’t want to kill anyone
much less liquidate a whole class. I just want their boots off our throats - our meaning most of the people of the earth. We
may very well need a market, but the market cannot be allowed to take over the
whole city as it has (Sandel). But anything that detracts from the problem of
corporate capitalism is ideology.
My own economic philosophy is
eclectic: I share most of the views
Wendell Berry and E. F. Schumacher; I am sympathetic to the “alternative technology”
movement of the 1970’s. I think the Catholic social teaching, interpreted
honestly and courageously, would also move in that direction. Some aspects of
Fabian socialism I agree with. Some free market is needed – with the proviso
that it serves local communities and not destroy them. Whatever works as long as it respects people, and the families that people need, and the communities that families need, and the nature the communities need. Whatever works as long as it honors human dignity and the Creation by doing away with this wicked world-picture of a meaningless, indifferent nature of raw materials and energies to be mined and harnessed for capitalist technology and the individual presumably autonomous in the sense that a consumer is autonomous choosing between commodities (whereby everything is a commodity from work to religion).
First, some form of democracy
must be established that takes away capitalism’s monopoly over communication, in
which there was freedom to present the devastating case against it. I think once
people are freed from the mental prison they have been born into – Plato’s cave
– all the Wokes and Magas and Tea parties and “moderate” liberals would give
way to discussions based on reality and not ideology. Nothing will change for the better until we are free of this totalitarian economy.
